A Well-Regulated Repository: Militia Laws, Editorial Judgment, and Historical Representation
As the Repository Manager of the Duke Center for Firearms Law (DCFL), I spend a substantial portion of my time working with early American state session laws. One of the most persistent features of those sources is the sheer volume of militia legislation. During DCFL’s participation in the History+ program in the summer of 2025, undergraduate students working under my supervision conducted a comprehensive inventory of weapons-related session laws in New Hampshire from 1686 to 1900.[i] They found that 47% of all such laws, more than 100 enactments in total, were explicit militia laws. Another 12% concerned the militia indirectly.[ii] Yet, at the time of writing, militia laws make up only 17.3% of the New Hampshire laws catalogued in the Repository for the same period. And New Hampshire is not an outlier. The same History+ project suggests a similar pattern in South Carolina, Virginia, and Illinois, though New Hampshire provides the clearest example because its militia laws were the only ones fully inventoried.[iii]
That disparity naturally raises the question of why militia laws appear so frequently in the underlying legal record yet constitute a much smaller share of the laws currently available in the Repository. The answer is not that militia laws are unimportant, nor that they have been overlooked. Militia laws are essential to understanding the historical regulation of arms. Yet their frequency, their often administrative or organizational content, and the substantial editorial time required to add them, especially when measured against the marginal value of each additional entry, make exhaustive inclusion neither practicable nor desirable. The Repository therefore uses a historically grounded, representative selection process that prioritizes the most influential militia laws and those that best illustrate the history of arms regulation across a broad geographic area.
The Ubiquity and Significance of Militia Laws in the History of American Arms Regulation
Militia laws appeared so frequently in early American session laws because they governed a broad and recurring set of issues, including military obligation, local defense, arms-bearing duties, public stores, training requirements, exemptions, fines, appropriations, and the organization of companies and regiments. Through these enactments, early American governments defined the relationship between public authority, military obligation, and the possession and use of arms. They specified who was required to appear armed, what arms and equipment those persons had to provide, when arms could be carried, and when arms could be seized or protected from seizure. Militia legislation is therefore a vital component of the history of weapons regulation in the United States. Yet the pervasiveness of these laws creates a methodological and editorial problem: how can the Repository adequately represent such a common and often directly relevant category of law while reserving limited editorial capacity for other historically significant laws? That tension makes exhaustive inclusion neither practicable nor especially useful. The Repository must therefore assess the marginal value of each additional militia law in relation to the time and resources required to identify, review, annotate, and publish it.
Why Exhaustive Inclusion Is Not Desirable
Militia laws vary widely in their relevance to the history of weapons regulation in the United States. A substantial number concern internal administration, such as unit organization, officers’ commissions, regimental boundaries, and appropriations. Others mention the militia only in passing while primarily addressing unrelated subjects. Amendatory enactments present a similar problem because they often make only minor textual or organizational changes to earlier militia statutes. Such provisions may be important to the operation of the militia, but they do comparatively little to illuminate the historical regulation of weapons.
The History+ inventory offers a useful case study. From the November 1840 session through the June 1843 session, New Hampshire enacted twenty-three laws centered on the militia. Taken together, these enactments illustrate how a legislature could produce a striking volume of militia legislation while doing little to alter the statutory treatment of weapons.[iv]
|
Session |
Title of Act |
|
November Session, 1840 |
An Act to Repeal an Act Entitled, “An Act Relating to the Organization of the Militia and for Other Purposes” (467) |
|
November Session, 1840 |
An Act to Incorporate the Third Company of Light Infantry in the Twenty-Seventh Regiment (472) |
|
November Session, 1840 |
An Act in Favor of the Artillery Company in the 32d Regiment New Hampshire Militia (475–76) |
|
November Session, 1840 |
An Act Allowing to the Sixth Company of Infantry in the Thirteenth Regiment of the Militia of This State an Additional Number of Arms (486) |
|
November Session, 1840 |
An Act Providing for Exemption in Certain Cases from Military Duty (486–87) |
|
June Session, 1841 |
An Act Making Appropriations for the Militia of This State for the Year 1841 (558) |
|
June Session, 1841 |
An Act Explanatory of and in Addition to an Act Entitled “An Act Making Appropriations for the Militia of This State for the Year 1841,” Passed June Session, 1841 (558–59) |
|
June Session, 1841 |
An Act in Addition to an Act Entitled “An Act Relating to the Public Property in the Arsenals at Portsmouth and Lancaster” (559–60) |
|
June Session, 1841 |
An Act to Alter the Time of Calling Out the Militia for Inspection (560) |
|
June Session, 1841 |
An Act in Favor of Light Infantry and Other Companies in This State (561) |
|
June Session, 1841 |
An Act in Favor of the Swanzey Artillery Company (562) |
|
June Session, 1841 |
An Act to Provide for the Appointment of Additional Officers of the Portsmouth Artillery Company (562) |
|
June Session, 1841 |
An Act to Incorporate the Concord Volunteers (563) |
|
June Session, 1841 |
An Act Discharging an Officer of the Militia from Arrest (564) |
|
June Session, 1842 |
An Act in Favor of the Hancock Artillery Company (593) |
|
June Session, 1842 |
An Act Authorizing Additional Enlistments into the First Company of Artillery in the Thirteenth Regiment of New Hampshire Militia (594) |
|
June Session, 1842 |
An Act Making Appropriations for the Militia of This State for the Year 1842 (594–95) |
|
November Session, 1842 |
An Act Authorizing Additional Enlistments in the First Company of Artillery and in the Rockingham Guards, in the First Regiment of the Militia in This State (13) |
|
June Session, 1843 |
An Act Making Appropriations for the Militia of This State for the Year One Thousand Eight Hundred and Forty-Three (64–65) |
|
June Session, 1843 |
An Act in Favor of the Dover Artillery Company (65) |
|
June Session, 1843 |
An Act in Favor of the Artillery Company in the Twenty-Eighth Regiment (66) |
|
June Session, 1843 |
An Act in Favor of the Artillery Company in the Third Regiment of the N. H. Militia (66–67) |
|
June Session, 1843 |
An Act in Favor of Jeremiah Tilton[v] (67) |
The acts listed above[vi] offer a small window into the many ways laws can relate to the militia and thus form part of the broader legal context of arms regulation, even when they bear little on the practical history of weapons regulation.
Why Exhaustive Inclusion Is Not Practicable
Even when a militia law is relevant enough to warrant consideration, adding it to the Repository requires a multistage editorial process that is often slower and more complicated than the finished entry suggests.
That process begins before transcription. A law must first be traced to a source the Repository can use, which is not always the same thing as a scan that happens to be available online. Many volumes are accessible only through subscription databases or collections with restrictive terms.[vii] Moreover, the Repository makes every effort to use the earliest extant session-law version rather than a later code or reprint. Locating the appropriate source therefore often requires reconstructing its bibliographic history and determining which databases contain the source or portions of it.[viii]
The source itself must then be verified. Older imprints often omit basic publication information, and even when a volume appears relevant, the Repository must determine whether the law was actually enacted, whether the bibliographic information is accurate, and whether the volume is the official publication of that session’s laws.[ix] Those questions can be especially difficult when dealing with early state, territorial, or colonial materials, in which jurisdictional boundaries shifted, legal authority could be inherited from an earlier regime, and publication practices were often irregular. Because these problems vary from case to case, they must be resolved individually; no single description can capture every difficulty that may arise at this stage.
Even after the correct source has been located and verified, the text itself can be difficult to work with. Older session-law volumes are often physically degraded, and optical character recognition (OCR), the process by which software converts images of printed text into machine-readable text, often produces unreliable digital text layers for such sources. This makes relevant provisions harder to locate, search, copy, and verify, especially in eighteenth-century sources that use archaic typography and inconsistent spelling. As a result, transcription often requires careful manual review rather than simple copying from an existing text layer.
Once the text has been established, the law still has to be converted into a usable Repository entry. That means transcribing the relevant sections, coding and tagging the entry, supplying accurate metadata, and preserving the source’s formatting and typographic structure where appropriate. The transcription must also be verified word for word, since older legal texts often contain variant spellings, unusual punctuation, and other features that can be easily overlooked or silently normalized. Because militia legislation tends to contain an unusually high concentration of exceptionally long enactments, some exceeding fifty pages, this process can be especially slow: each act must be reviewed in full to identify relevant provisions. Any editorial intervention then has to be documented so that users can distinguish the source text from the Repository’s editorial work.
Viewed as a whole, this process means that adding a single militia law can require substantial editorial time, even when the law itself is already known and accessible.
A Historically Grounded Selection Process
Because exhaustive inclusion is neither desirable nor practicable, the Repository’s treatment of militia laws necessarily depends on selection criteria. The most important of these criteria concern what a given law regulates and how clearly it illuminates the history of arms regulation; however, topical relevance alone is not enough. A militia law’s value for understanding historical arms regulation also depends on when it was enacted and what role the militia played at that moment. The same statutory provision might bear greater significance if passed while the militia remained central to public defense than if passed later as an inherited legal form sustained largely by institutional inertia.
The practical role of the militia changed substantially over time. In the Revolutionary era and the early republic, the militia operated as a central instrument of local defense and public authority, linking military obligation to the expectation that citizens would appear with arms when called upon. Federal legislation in the 1790s reflected that understanding by treating militia enrollment and the provision of arms as legal obligations. Events culminating in the War of 1812, however, exposed the militia’s practical limits.
A Brief Historical Narrative
During the Revolutionary War, the militia was both an operational necessity and a lived civic obligation. Militia forces supplied manpower, guarded supply lines, supported local authority, suppressed Loyalist activity, and made it difficult for Britain to sustain control outside major occupied cities. Their performance in formal engagements was uneven, and their service was often brief, but their local presence and capacity for rapid mobilization made them indispensable to the American war effort. At the same time, the Revolution revealed limitations that would recur throughout the next generation.[x]
After independence, Congress sought to place the militia on a more uniform statutory footing. The Militia Acts of 1792[xi] created a federal framework for a citizen militia by requiring the enrollment of free, able-bodied white male citizens between eighteen and forty-five years of age, tying militia duty to privately supplied arms, and distributing authority between federal and state institutions.[xii]
That framework was tested almost immediately. During the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794, President George Washington’s mobilization of militia forces demonstrated that the militia could be used to uphold national authority, but it also showed the system’s practical limitations.[xiii] Mobilization was slow, politically delicate, and dependent on cooperation across state lines. The militia remained useful but cumbersome as an instrument of domestic enforcement. Congress’s decision in 1795 to make the President’s call-forth authority permanent therefore reflected both continued reliance on the militia and a recognition that domestic disorder might require more dependable mechanisms.[xiv]
Foreign affairs exposed a different weakness. The conflicts arising from American neutrality in the wars between Britain and France, including the XYZ Affair and the Quasi-War with France, created maritime-defense demands for which state-based infantry musters were poorly suited. At roughly the same time, domestic unrest, including Fries’s Rebellion[xv] and the Burr conspiracy, intensified concerns about whether decentralized militia forces could respond quickly and reliably to threats that crossed local or state boundaries.
The legislation of the Jefferson administration reflected this changing assessment. The Insurrection Act of 1807 authorized the President to employ federal land or naval forces in cases of insurrection or obstruction to the laws in which existing law permitted him to call forth the militia.[xvi] The embargo crisis then pushed the same logic further. The Embargo Act of 1807 sought to defend national sovereignty through economic coercion,[xvii] but widespread evasion and local resistance prompted Congress in 1809 to strengthen federal enforcement authority, including authorization for armed federal support of customs enforcement.[xviii] These developments showed that federal policymakers were increasingly willing to rely on standing forces when militia-based enforcement appeared too slow or too politically uncertain.
The War of 1812 brought these accumulated tensions to their clearest military test. In legal theory, the militia remained central to American defense. In practice, the war exposed serious weaknesses in the use of state-controlled militia forces as the primary instrument of national military power.[xix] These problems did not necessarily show that the citizen-militia model was inherently unworkable; rather, they showed that the statutory and administrative system meant to sustain the model had been only partially implemented and maintained. Federal law did not secure effective uniformity, states often neglected the organization and discipline of their own militia forces, and Jeffersonian confidence in militia-based defense was not matched by consistent enforcement of the system on which that confidence depended.[xx] The federal government consequently relied more heavily on regular troops and federally raised volunteers, which, because they were organized under national authority, proved more reliable than locally controlled militia forces. Militia units still made important contributions, especially when adequately armed, trained, supplied, and led, but the war made it difficult to sustain the older assumption that universal militia obligation, without stronger institutional support and enforcement, could serve as the backbone of national defense.
The War of 1812 therefore provides a useful historical marker for the Repository’s treatment of militia laws. It is not that militia statutes ceased to matter after the war, but that the conflict marked the culmination of the period in which the militia most plausibly functioned as a central component of public defense and militia service remained a principal source of arms-bearing obligations.[xxi] Militia laws from the Revolutionary era through the War of 1812 therefore have especially high interpretive value for understanding the relationship among public authority, military duty, and the possession of arms.
After 1815, the continued appearance of militia statutes in state session laws often reflected the persistence of inherited legal forms more than continued practical dependence on universal militia service. In many states, volunteer companies became the most visible expression of militia organization, and those companies often operated as civic and ceremonial institutions as much as instruments of public defense.[xxii]
Inclusion Criteria
The historical emphasis described above is one of many variables the Repository must consider when allocating research and editorial resources. Militia laws from any period may warrant inclusion when they bear directly on the historical regulation of weapons. The Repository therefore weighs chronology alongside subject-matter relevance, prioritizing militia laws that address the following topics:
- who was required to enroll in the militia, appear armed, furnish weapons, or keep arms available for service;
- the kinds of weapons, ammunition, and accoutrements required, permitted, substituted, or deemed insufficient for militia service;
- the inspection, condition, repair, reporting, or accounting of militia arms, including requirements that weapons be serviceable or fit for public use;
- the purchase, storage, distribution, return, repair, loss, misuse, or recovery of public arms, ammunition, gunpowder, military stores, magazines, arsenals, or armories;
- the carrying, handling, loading, discharge, or use of arms at musters, trainings, inspections, alarms, patrols, marches, or other occasions of militia duty;
- firing restrictions, unauthorized discharge, negligent firing, celebratory firing, false alarms, or other uses of weapons that connect militia activity to public safety or public order;
- intoxication, disorderly conduct, refusal of orders, or other forms of armed misconduct during militia service;
- seizure, exemption from seizure, forfeiture, impressment, redistribution, protection, or disarmament of arms in connection with militia obligation, delinquency, loyalty, danger, or public necessity;
- emergency, invasion, insurrection, riot, frontier-defense, patrol, slave-patrol, or alarm provisions that required, regulated, supplied, or restricted the use of arms;
- penalties, fines, forfeitures, or disabilities imposed for failing to possess, produce, maintain, return, or properly use arms required for militia service;
- laws that connect militia obligation to legal status, including provisions addressing minors, substitutes, exempted persons, religious objectors, free Black persons, enslaved persons, noncitizens, apprentices, or other groups whose right or duty to possess arms was defined through militia law.
This framework balances chronological emphasis with subject-matter relevance. Because the militia was most central to public defense and militia service remained a principal source of arms-bearing obligations from the Revolutionary era through the War of 1812, laws from that period warrant particular but not exclusive attention. Later militia laws remain relevant and are included when they address the possession, carrying, use, inspection, storage, seizure, furnishing, or other pertinent aspects of arms regulation. Although a comprehensive inventory of every relevant historical regulation would be ideal, the more pragmatic objective is to represent militia laws from all periods in proportion to their value for understanding how law shaped the possession, use, and public meaning of weapons.
Conclusion and Future Repository Practices
The disparity between the prevalence of militia laws in the historical record and their relatively limited presentation within the Repository should not be mistaken for a judgment that militia laws are peripheral. They were among the most common forms of early American weapons-related legislation, and they remain essential to understanding how early Americans understood the relationship among arms, military obligation, and public authority. Their importance, however, does not make exhaustive inclusion the best measure of responsible coverage. Because militia laws are numerous, uneven in analytical value, often administratively focused, and sometimes exceptionally demanding to locate, verify, transcribe, and annotate, including every such enactment would ultimately diminish the Repository’s broader utility.
The Repository’s practice is therefore one of selective inclusion. It gives priority to militia laws from the period when the militia had its greatest practical significance and to enactments that bear most directly on the historical trajectory of arms legislation. This practice is a recent refinement, informed in part by the History+ inventory’s demonstration of how thoroughly militia enactments can dominate a state’s session-law record of weapons-related legislation. Accordingly, the current Repository does not yet fully reflect the greater emphasis that future additions will place on militia laws from this earlier period.
[i] For more information about the History+ program from the perspective of the students who took part in it, see this post authored by our student interns or their final presentation. Only a fraction of the laws located as part of this inventory have thus far been added to the Repository; thus, as is the case for every state and territory represented in the Repository, the absence of a law addressing a certain topic does not necessarily mean that such a law did not exist.
[ii] The search methodology involved compiling PDFs of all extant New Hampshire session laws and applying optical character recognition (OCR) to identify weapon-related terms. To mitigate OCR inaccuracies, the search incorporated common character misreadings, and all results were manually reviewed for relevance. Although degradation in some historical documents may affect completeness, any resulting variation in the findings is likely minimal.
[iii] The volume of militia legislation made it impracticable to complete comprehensive inventories for all four states within the project’s allotted time frame. New Hampshire was therefore selected for full cataloging, while the South Carolina, Virginia, and Illinois inventories were limited to militia laws satisfying the Repository’s selection criteria. Those states accordingly corroborate the pattern identified in New Hampshire but do not provide a fully comparable quantitative baseline.
[iv] This is not to suggest that every act listed in the chart above is entirely irrelevant. Exemptions from military duty and allocations of additional arms, for example, could be relevant in some contexts. New Hampshire also enacted laws during this period that fell near the margins of the inventory and were excluded from the chart because they were not primarily centered on the militia. Examples include enactments establishing towns, incorporating businesses, levying taxes, or addressing other subjects only incidentally related to militia administration. Such laws often contained provisions exempting particular occupations from military service, exempting militia personnel or property from taxes or tolls, or assigning the inhabitants of a town to a particular militia regiment. One example is “An Act to Constitute the Town of Nashville,” which provided that the militia of Nashville would belong to the Fifth Regiment. “An Act to Constitute the Town of Nashville,” ch. 668, § 8, in Laws of the State of New Hampshire, Passed June Session, 1842 (Concord, NH: Carroll & Baker, 1842), 582–84, esp. 584. A similar provision appeared later that year in “An Act to Constitute the Town of Bennington,” which provided that the militia of Bennington would belong to the Twenty-Sixth Regiment. “An Act to Constitute the Town of Bennington,” ch. 3, § 4, in Laws of the State of New Hampshire, Passed November Session, 1842 (Concord, NH: Carroll & Baker, 1843), 4–6, esp. 6. The session-law publications also contained numerous addresses “in favor of removing certain militia officers from office.” These have not been included because they merely identify officers who had “removed and gone beyond the limits of their respective commands to reside, and have neglected to resign their commissions” and request their removal. Reports and resolves concerning the militia likewise frequently appear throughout the session laws, and they have not been included because they are not, strictly speaking, laws.
[v] The title does not indicate that the act primarily concerns the militia; however, the single-section act solely disannexes Mr. Tilton from the 38th Regiment and annexes him to the 29th Regiment.
[vi] The parenthetical page numbers accompanying each act title identify the pages on which the relevant act appears in the corresponding session-law volume. Full bibliographic information for the volumes cited in the chart above is as follows: Laws of the State of New-Hampshire, Passed November Session, 1840 (Concord, NH: Cyrus Barton, 1840); Laws of the State of New Hampshire, Passed June Session, 1841 (Concord, NH: Barton & Carroll, 1841); Laws of the State of New Hampshire, Passed June Session, 1842 (Concord, NH: Carroll & Baker, 1842); Laws of the State of New Hampshire, Passed November Session, 1842 (Concord, NH: Carroll & Baker, 1843); Laws of the State of New Hampshire, Passed June Session, 1843 (Concord, NH: Carroll & Baker, 1843).
[vii] To comply with applicable terms of use, the Repository has had to obtain written permission from the databases and archives from which its source documents are drawn. Materials available only through databases that have not granted such permission cannot be used, requiring additional editorial effort either to locate the closest suitable alternative source or to obtain a hard copy or scan of a printing held by a partner library.
[viii] This problem is especially pronounced in early session-law materials, which were often issued as separately paginated session installments intended for later binding, and which frequently lacked a formal title page, imprint, or other complete publication information.
[ix] See, for example, Clarke Campbell, “The Challenges of Authenticating Historical Gun Laws: Lessons from Mississippi’s So-Called Revised Statutes,” Second Thoughts Blog, Duke Center for Firearms Law, March 28, 2025. Another instance of proposed legislation being published as if it were actually passed is “An Act for Regulating the Militia of the Province of Maryland” (MD General Assembly, Lower House, L.H.J. Liber No. 48, Assembly Proceedings, May 22, 1756), published in Arthur Vollmer, comp., The Selective Service System, Backgrounds of Selective Service: Military Obligation; The American Tradition a Compilation of the Enactments of Compulsion from the Earliest Settlements of the Original Thirteen Colonies in 1607 Through the Articles of Confederation 1789, vol. 2, pt. 5 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1947), 92–93. This measure was initially flagged internally as potentially unenacted, and further research confirmed that conclusion; see John Connolly, Maryland’s Historical Firearms Restrictions and What They Mean After Heller, McDonald, and Bruen, SSRN Scholarly Paper (Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network, January 7, 2023), https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4319843.
[x] See Mark V. Kwasny, “Militia, Guerrilla Warfare, Tactics, and Weaponry,” in A Companion to the American Revolution, ed. Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000), 314–19; John Shy, A People Numerous and Armed: Reflections on the Military Struggle for American Independence, rev. ed. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990), 174, 237–38. Kwasny emphasizes the militia’s importance in partisan warfare, suppression of Loyalists, protection of local communities, and disruption of British movement. Shy captures the tension between the militia’s practical limitations and its indispensability as a reservoir of manpower and an obstacle to British pacification, pointing out that “Washington never ceased complaining about his militia—about their undependability, their indiscipline, their cowardice under fire—but from the British viewpoint . . . the militia was the virtually inexhaustible reservoir of rebel military manpower, and it was also the sand in the gears of the pacification machine” (237).
[xi] The “Militia Acts of 1792” generally refers to two statutes. The first, “An Act to Provide for Calling Forth the Militia to Execute the Laws of the Union, Suppress Insurrections and Repel Invasions” (Calling Forth Act), Second Congress, First Session, ch. 28 (May 2, 1792), authorized the President to call forth the militia to repel invasions, suppress insurrections under specified circumstances, and execute federal law when ordinary civil process proved inadequate. The second, “An Act More Effectually to Provide for the National Defence by Establishing an Uniform Militia Throughout the United States” (Uniform Militia Act), Second Congress, First Session, ch. 33 (May 8, 1792), prescribed the militia’s general organization, arms, accoutrements, and discipline while leaving important matters of arrangement, officering, and training administration to state governments and officers.
[xii] Laura S. Jensen, “The Early American Origins of Entitlements,” Studies in American Political Development 10, no. 2 (Fall 1996): 360–404, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X00001528.
[xiii] The Whiskey Rebellion was a violent resistance movement centered in western Pennsylvania in the early 1790s, sparked by opposition to federal excise duties on distilled spirits and culminating in 1794, when President George Washington called forth militia forces from several states to enforce federal law. For the role of the militia in its suppression, see Richard H. Kohn, “The Washington Administration’s Decision to Crush the Whiskey Rebellion,” Journal of American History 59, no. 3 (December 1972): 567–84, https://doi.org/10.2307/1900658. For the practical burdens of using the militia, see also Robert W. Coakley, The Role of Federal Military Forces in Domestic Disorders, 1789–1878 (Washington, DC: Center of Military History, United States Army, 2011), 39–42, especially 42, where Coakley observes that the expedition’s delayed march resulted largely from “the difficulties in mobilizing, assembling, and organizing a militia force from four states.”
[xiv] Congress made the President’s call-forth authority permanent through “An Act to Provide for Calling Forth the Militia to Execute the Laws of the Union, Suppress Insurrections and Repel Invasions; and to Repeal the Act Now in Force for Those Purposes,” also known as the Militia Act of 1795, Third Congress, Second Session, ch. 36 (Feb. 28, 1795).
[xv] Fries’s Rebellion was a tax revolt in eastern Pennsylvania in which armed resistance emerged against federal direct taxes on houses and land; it was suppressed through the use or threatened use of militia forces and resulted in several prosecutions for treason.
[xvi] “An Act Authorizing the Employment of the Land and Naval Forces of the United States, in Cases of Insurrections” (Insurrection Act of 1807), Ninth Congress, Second Session, ch. 39 (Mar. 3, 1807).
[xvii] “An Act Laying an Embargo on All Ships and Vessels in the Ports and Harbors of the United States” (Embargo Act of 1807), Tenth Congress, First Session, ch. 5 (Dec. 22, 1807).
[xviii] “An Act to Enforce and Make More Effectual an Act Intituled ‘An Act laying an Embargo on all Ships and Vessels in the Ports and Harbors of the United States,’ and the Several Acts Supplementary Thereto” (Enforcement Act of 1809), Tenth Congress, Second Session, ch. 5 (Jan. 9, 1809).
[xix] For the War of 1812’s exposure of the weaknesses of state militia forces, including problems of organization, discipline, supply, short terms of service, federal-state conflict, and uneven battlefield performance, see Robert L. Kerby, “The Militia System and the State Militias in the War of 1812,” Indiana Magazine of History 73, no. 2 (June 1977): 102–24, especially 112–15, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27790192.
[xx] For a detailed argument that the militia model was not inherently unworkable, see Kerby, 124.
[xxi] See Gian Gentile, Michael E. Linick, and Michael Shurkin, The Evolution of U.S. Military Policy from the Constitution to the Present (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2017), 18–20, https://doi.org/10.7249/RR1759. Gentile et al. conclude that “the War of 1812 revealed the structural weakness of the federal government’s reliance on the state militia units. The system was slow and inefficient. . . . The failure in 1792 and 1795 to establish either a single training requirement or a mechanism to enforce state training and equipment standards ensured that the few men who did fight often lacked sufficient preparation or arms. The U.S. Army’s relative weakness against a professional army was made humiliatingly clear in August 1814, when it was shown to be powerless to stop a well-trained British regular force of approximately 5,000 men from burning a number of buildings in the nation’s capital, including the White House.”
[xxii] See Joseph J. Holmes, “The Decline of the Pennsylvania Militia, 1815–1870,” Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine 57, no. 2 (April 1974): 199–217, 215; James Jackson Ashton, Patriotic Sublime: Music and the Nation in America, 1790–1848 (PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 2015), 181, 185. Holmes identifies the post-1815 “athletic and social-club aspect” of volunteer militia companies as one of their principal attractions, while Ashton shows that, by the 1840s, volunteer companies operated as self-funded bodies whose activities included social, civic, and military functions.